Mothers in Prison

Regardless of which theory experts use to explain the increasing numbers of women serving time in U.S. correctional facilities, the consequences remain the same. Women represent the fastest growing segment of the rapidly expanding U.S prison population and approximately four out of five incarcerated women are mothers. Two-thirds of these women have children under the age of eighteen. In September of 2005, there were an estimated 513,000 children in foster care.



It is clear that children are greatly affected when their mothers are incarcerated and many suffer from feelings of guilt, anger, fear, grief, rejection, shame, and loneliness. Studies done on children with incarcerated parents have shown that these children often demonstrate poor school performance and increased aggressive behavior In addition to the loss and instability that the incarceration of their mother creates, numerous children may become more susceptible to things such as poverty, physical or sexual abuse, or witnessing violence. Even though women make up a smaller percentage of our inmate population, it is important to study this group because women play a crucial role as mothers in the lives of the next generation.

Women's Prison Culture

In their book Convict Criminology, authors Richards and Ross incorporate a chapter comprised of several sections to help those reading understand women in prison. There’s an interesting section that discusses women’s prison culture. When women are sent to prison, they are forced to learn to live in an institution that was developed in response to deviant male prison behavior. A woman’s prison experience is different than that of a man’s; hence their reaction to prison is different as well. Several studies done in the late 1960s and early 1970s found noticeable similarities between three women’s prisons in regards to prison subculture. First, they found that the world of women’s prison is substantially different from that of the male culture. Second, they discovered that prison culture among women was directly related to gender role expectations of sexuality and family. Furthermore, the women’s prison identities were somewhat based on their identities outside of prison.



Female inmates, particularly first-timers, must learn the rules and roles of prison culture in order to survive their incarceration. These inmates soon find out that prison is filled with uncertainty and begin to negotiate routines and strategies to help themselves deal with and adapt to this new world. The women learn to live in prison through interactions with other prisoners. As they adjust to life in prison, they form friendships and “prison families” or “play-families”. “Prison families” usually develop complex emotional relationships that can have a practical or sexual basis. These families have social and material responsibilities that include anything from providing friendship and support, celebrating birthdays and holidays to providing food, cigarettes, and clothing.



Richards and Ross conclude the chapter by stating the trying to understand women in prison has led many to ask why women are incarcerated in the first place. In order to find the answer, one must examine the demographic characteristics, pathways to imprisonment, public policy, and its specific impact on women.

Women in Prison

In 1991, the Bureau of Justice Statistics published a special report in which the U.S. Department of Justice included an inclusive survey of female State prison inmates. This survey collected information regarding the female offenders’ current offenses, criminal histories, family backgrounds, children, drug and alcohol use, prior physical and sexual abuse, and health issues.

A majority of the female inmates in State prisons at the time were over the age of 30, high school graduates or holders of a GED, and considered an ethnic minority. In addition, many of the female offenders were unmarried, mothers of children under the age of 18, and had grown up in homes without both parents present. Nearly 50 percent of these women reported that they had been physically or sexually abused before entering prison. More than half of the female inmates also reported that an immediate family member had also served time. Overall, female inmates largely resembled male inmates in terms of race, ethnic background, and age. In spite of this, women are far more likely than men to be serving time for a drug offense and are less likely to be sentenced for a violent crime. In March of 1994, Lawrence A. Greenfield, Acting Director of the U.S. Department of Justice, stated that this report provided results of the most comprehensive survey of women confined in State prisons ever undertaken.



Rape is a major concern for many state prison systems. In her book, author Cyndi Banks discusses the issue of rape in prison. Of course, female are not the only victims, male prisoners also fall victim to rape and sexual assault in prison. In 2001, the Human Rights Watch conducted a study on male rape in U.S. prisons and found that it far more persistent and widespread than prison authorities are willing to acknowledge. However, studies have shown that women are more likely to be raped by employees of the prison, while men are more likely to be raped by other inmates. Unfortunately, if a woman is raped in prison, she may not see her case reach a criminal trial. The Human Rights Watch, in its investigation into five state prisons, pointed out that criminal prosecution rarely occurred. For women who have been raped in prison, it is virtually impossible to obtain justice from the criminal justice system.






Link to Bureau of Justice Statistics "Women in Prison" survey:

http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/bjs/pub/pdf/wopris.pdf